The main objective of the research project and the related thesis work was to redefine, based on extensive documentation, largely unpublished, the political-institutional profile of Pietro Lacava (1835-1912), who was among the protagonists, at both local and national levels, of the crucial pre- and post-unification Italian political season. However, he can be seen as a "powerful second," considering that from the 1850s until the conquest of the North African territories by the Kingdom of Italy, Pietro Lacava generally held front-line roles and functions, but almost always subordinate to other personalities, from the Lucanian patriot Giacinto Albini to Depretis, Crispi, and Giolitti. These figures placed great trust in him in different contexts, which Lacava managed with undeniable political intelligence, generally adapting to the progressive political-institutional contingencies, resulting in careful preservation of his increasingly solid "positions" of power. Starting from his active participation in the crucial southern patriotic hub of 1860-61, with direct involvement in conspiratorial activities and in the functions of sub-governor in Lagonegro, Pietro Lacava was sub-prefect, commissioner, president of the Provincial Council of Basilicata, and was elected as a deputy for over forty years. During this period, despite serving in different governments, he held significant roles and was appointed minister five times, not to mention his role as vice president and dean of the Chamber of Deputies. His political life was very interesting, moving from direct participation in planning and political actions following the tragic failure of Carlo Pisacane's enterprise, gradually involving aspects and moments of "construction" of the unitary State, with peculiar placements and relocations within the complex configurations of parliamentary representations and consequent governmental structures up to a large part of the Giolittian era. For an accurate and rigorous reconstruction and critical analysis of such a political-institutional path, it was deemed appropriate to configure the implementation plan of the long research and analysis path within three broad phases: the first phase concerning his formation, in relation to the delineation of the general starting context within one of the most internal areas of Southern Italy; the second phase, which saw Pietro Lacava among the protagonists in the field of southern patriotism, in Naples and the provinces, starting from his role as secretary of the Committee of the Order of Naples to his appointments as secretary of the Lucanian pro-dictatorial government and then as sub-governor in Lagonegro, as sub-prefect in various provinces of Italy, and as quaestor in Naples; the third phase, that of political-institutional representation in parliament for over forty years, when he actively participated as a legislator and in important government roles in the institutional politics of liberal Italy until his death in 1912. In the absence of a unitary historical archive of Pietro Lacava, it was initially planned to start the research process with a careful survey of archival documentation at both national and local levels, which gradually proved to be largely fruitful. The aim was an accurate and rigorous reconstruction and reading/rereading, even critically, of the profile of culture and political-institutional practice of a long-standing politician like Pietro Lacava, in relation to his time. In the first chapter, the path and results of the survey of the overall documentation, largely unpublished, found and attributable, in its entirety, to the archive of Pietro Lacava, were outlined, despite the still complex dislocations in the main conservation sites, from the archive and the municipal library of Corleto Perticara, to the Institute for the History of the Italian Risorgimento and the papers of the Ida Lacava Opera of the Institute for cultural, educational, and moral religious formation of the people, now in Parma. This is done taking into due consideration the documentation present in the State Archive of Potenza, the State Archive of Naples, the Central State Archive, the Historical Archives of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic, as well as that in the Library of Modern and Contemporary History of Rome. In the second chapter, the educational background and the political-institutional and socio-economic context of the local ruling classes and groups were reconstructed, starting from the Napoleonic era and its subsequent developments. This was examined at the levels of culture and political practice within the broader framework of the complex power system, with particular attention to the progressive rise of the Lacava family, particularly in the shadow of local ecclesiastical institution. The Lacava family, which found its most successful local and national representative in Pietro, formed a robust political dynasty that continuously held significant political-institutional roles and functions from the late eighteenth century to the fascist regime. In the third chapter, the focus is on the role and functions exercised by the patriot Pietro Lacava during the complex process of the unification of Italy from the South. This period spans from Carlo Pisacane's expedition to Sapri to the Lucanian Insurrection of August 1860, a critical political-institutional phase. It encompasses the planned and organized insurrectional movements in Corleto and the Val d'Agri, initiated by figures such as Carmine Senise and Giacinto Albini, leading to the Insurrection of 18th August 1860 in the city of Potenza. Here, military columns arrived from various provincial centers, actively contributing to the defeat of the Bourbon garrison and the festive proclamation of the Unification of Italy in the name of Vittorio Emanuele, King of Italy and General Garibaldi, Dictator of the Two Sicilies. This was followed the next day by the establishment of the pro-dictatorial government, led by Giacinto Albini and Nicola Mignogna, with Pietro Lacava serving as Secretary. In the fourth chapter, the roles and functions exercised by Pietro Lacava in the first post-unification years were reconstructed, from his experience as secretary in the Lucanian pro-dictatorial government to his appointment, by Giacinto Albini, as undergovernor/intendant of the Lagonegro District, to the subsequent assignments at 'Intendency of Melfi, to the prefecture of Pavia (as government advisor) followed by appointments as sub-prefect of Palmi and Rossano, in Calabria. These were assignments during which he had to face the phenomenon of post-unification brigandage which, in August 1861, had led to the assassination of his father. The appointment as Quaestor of Naples, after the aforementioned sub-prefecture positions, was decisive in the direction of his progressive, direct political commitment. During this mandate, in fact, he gave indirect support, in arms and men, to Garibaldi's undertaking in Mentana, as publicly denounced in parliament by the Hon. Giuseppe Massari, resulting in his resignation and his arrival at all-round political activity, in Tesi's work configured as the start of the long third phase, firmly characterized by his long and complex path as a parliamentarian and member of various governments. Characterizing date, throughout this forty years and beyond, is 1889, the year of his first appointment as minister of the king, before which, as has been widely highlighted in the fifth chapter, he carried out intense parliamentary activity, starting from 1868 , as elected in the constituency of Corleto Perticara, with placement on the benches of the historical Left, actively involved in the legal and administrative field, also as elected, since 1870, in the provincial council of Basilicata, of which he was also president, with particular commitment in the field of infrastructure. With the national political turning point of 1876, which brought the historic Left to power, Pietro Lacava resigned from the provincial assembly. The Minister of the Interior, Giovanni Nicotera, who was his political contact at the time, wanted Lacava to join him as General Secretary of the ministry. Together, they formed a political duo that had a considerable impact on parliamentary and governmental dynamics. Still serving as General Secretary, Lacava was subsequently called upon by Minister Raffaele Mezzanotte to the Ministry of Public Works. There, he distinguished himself in discussions related to railway infrastructure, starting with the debate on the Eboli-Reggio railway. After distancing himself from the political directions of Nicotera and Depretis, he aligned with Francesco Crispi, becoming part of Crispi's second government as the first minister of the newly established Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs. Pietro Lacava's ascent to government, detailed in the sixth chapter, also highlights how he was among the first to recognize the political potential of Giovanni Giolitti. It was not by chance that Lacava became part of Giolitti's first government as Minister of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce. However, he was also fully involved in the first major political and financial scandal of the unified state, the Banca Romana scandal. In the seventh chapter, Pietro Lacava's political and institutional activities during the Giolittian era up until his death are reconstructed. The Roman Bank affair led to Lacava's estrangement from the statesman of Dronero, though he remained as Minister of Public Works in the two Pelloux governments, even when Giolitti and Zanardelli's constitutional left withdrew their support for General Pelloux's government. Nevertheless, the special legislation for Southern Italy would bring Lacava back to the positions of the constitutional left and Giolitti, marking his explosive return to the political scene. He became one of the main exponents of Giolitti's "political current," first obtaining the vice-presidency of the Chamber of Deputies and, as circumstances permitted, the appointment as Finance Minister in Giolitti's third government. As the senior member of Montecitorio, Lacava received the honor of Minister of State from the king for his diligent efforts in establishing Giolitti's fourth government. Among other notable achievements, he made significant contributions to the reform of the electoral law and the parliamentary approval processes of provisions concerning the conquest of the territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by the Kingdom of Italy. Of significant importance, for the purpose of a rigorous reconstruction of Pietro Lacava's political-institutional activity over these years, is the discovery, among the unpublished sources, of one of his notebooks/diaries of notes. Throughout the process of reconstruction and analysis, there was consistent attention paid to the relationship between Pietro Lacava's political-institutional actions and the broader cultural and political contexts. This approach significantly enhanced the argumentative and narrative aspects with accurate and rigorous documentary support, attributable to a precise selection from the extensive, largely unpublished, documentation found. Overall, a coherent and comprehensive reconstruction of the extensive profile of Pietro Lacava's political-institutional life was achieved, set within the broader framework of pre- and post-unification Italy. This work stands as a significant expression within the complex patriotic and political-institutional representations, both southern and national. It details specific locations and movements, driven by preservation objectives and the development of roles and functions in the exercise of power. This reconstruction contributes significantly to the broader historiographical paths of re-examining and reinterpreting the Risorgimento and post-unification Italy, both generally and locally, free from pre-established and ideological frameworks.
Obiettivo portante del Progetto di ricerca seguito e relativo lavoro di Tesi è stato quello di ridelineare, sulla base di ampia documentazione, in larga parte inedita, il profilo politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava (1835-1912), che fu tra i protagonisti, a livello locale e nazionale, della cruciale stagione politica italiana pre e post-unitaria. Un protagonista, comunque, configurabile di fatto quale “potente secondo”, considerando che, dagli anni Cinquanta dell’Ottocento fino alla conquista dei territori nordafricani da parte del Regno d’Italia, Pietro Lacava svolse in genere ruoli e funzioni certamente di prima fila, ma, quasi sempre, in subordine rispetto ad altre personalità, dal patriota lucano Giacinto Albini al Depretis, a Crispi e Giolitti, che gli diedero, in contesti differenti, tutti larga fiducia, gestita dal Lacava con indubbia intelligenza politica, ma in genere adattandosi alle progressive contingenze politico-istituzionali, con conseguente accurata conservazione delle sue, sempre più solide, “postazioni” di potere. Pietro Lacava, a partire dall’attiva compartecipazione al cruciale snodo patriottico meridionale del 1860-61, con diretto impegno anche in attività cospirative e nelle funzioni di sottogovernatore a Lagonegro, fu sottoprefetto, questore, presidente del Consiglio provinciale della Basilicata, nonché eletto come deputato per oltre un quarantennio, lungo tale periodo ricoprendo, pur in differenti governi, significativi incarichi, oltre ad essere nominato per cinque volte ministro, per non dire del suo ruolo di vicepresidente e decano della Camera dei deputati. Dunque, un molto interessante percorso di vita politica, il suo, che, muovendo da diretta compartecipazione a progettualità e azioni politiche successive al tragico fallimento dell’impresa di Carlo Pisacane, riguardò via via aspetti e momenti di “costruzione” dello Stato unitario, peculiari collocazioni e ricollocazioni nell’ambito delle articolate configurazioni delle rappresentanze parlamentari e in conseguenti compagini governative fino a larga parte dell’Età giolittiana. In considerazione di ciò, al fine di un’accurata e rigorosa ricostruzione ed analisi critica di un tale percorso politico-istituzionale, si è ritenuto opportuno dover configurare il piano attuativo del percorso di ricerca e di analisi lungo e nell’ambito di tre ampie fasi portanti: la prima (fase), quella riguardante la sua formazione, in rapporto alla delineazione del contesto generale di partenza, nell’ambito di una delle aree più interne del Mezzogiorno d’Italia; la seconda (fase), quella che ebbe Pietro Lacava tra i protagonisti sul campo del patriottismo meridionale, a Napoli e nelle province, a partire dal suo ruolo di segretario del Comitato dell’Ordine di Napoli alle nomine a segretario del governo prodittatoriale lucano e poi di sottogovernatore a Lagonegro, di sottoprefetto in varie province d’Italia e di questore a Napoli; la terza (fase), quella della rappresentanza politico-istituzionale in parlamento per oltre un quarantennio, allorquando fu attivamente compartecipe, come legislatore e in importanti ruoli di governo, della politica istituzionale dell’Italia liberale fino alla morte, nel 1912. In assenza di un unitario Archivio storico di Pietro Lacava, si è inizialmente programmato di dare avvio al percorso di ricerca a partire da un’accurata ricognizione di documentazione archivistica, a livello nazionale e locale, via via rivelatasi ampiamente fruttuosa, al fine di un’accurata e rigorosa ricostruzione e lettura/rilettura, anche critica, del profilo di cultura e di pratica politico-istituzionale di un politico di lungo corso qual è stato, in rapporto al suo tempo, Pietro Lacava. Cosicché, nel primo capitolo è stato delineato il percorso e le risultanze della ricognizione della complessiva documentazione, in larga parte inedita, reperita, riconducibile, nel suo insieme, all’archivio di Pietro Lacava, pur tra le ancora, articolate, dislocazioni nelle principali sedi di conservazione, dall’archivio e dalla biblioteca comunale di Corleto Perticara, all’Istituto per la Storia del Risorgimento Italiano alle carte dell’Opera Ida Lacava dell’Istituto di cultura e formazione religiosa educativa e morale del popolo e, oggi, a Parma. E ciò tenendo in debito conto la documentazione presente nell’Archivio di Stato di Potenza, nell’Archivio di Stato di Napoli, nell’Archivio Centrale dello Stato, negli Archivi storici della Camera dei deputati e del Senato della Repubblica ma anche di quella nella Biblioteca di Storia moderna e contemporanea. Nel secondo capitolo è stato ricostruito, nel lungo periodo, l’alveo formativo ed il contesto politico-istituzionale e socio-economico di ceti e gruppi dirigenti locali, a partire dall’Età napoleonica e suoi successivi sviluppi, a livello di cultura e di pratica politica, nel più generale quadro dell’articolato sistema di potere, con particolare attenzione per il progressivo affermarsi della famiglia Lacava, essenzialmente all’ombra della peculiare istituzione ecclesiastica locale di configurazione ricettizia. Una famiglia, quella dei Lacava, che in Pietro avrebbe avuto il suo più affermato esponente d’ambito locale e nazionale, nell’ambito di una robusta dinastia politica che, nel suo insieme, esercitò con continuità importanti ruoli e funzioni politico-istituzionali da fine Settecento al regime fascista. Nel terzo capitolo si è incentrata l’attenzione su ruolo e funzioni esercitati dal patriota Pietro Lacava nell’ambito dell’articolato percorso di costruzione dell’Unità d’Italia da Sud, che ebbe negli anni compresi tra la spedizione di Carlo Pisacane a Sapri e l’Insurrezione lucana dell’agosto 1860 una fase politico-istituzionale caratterizzante, dai fermenti insurrezionali programmati ed organizzati a Corleto e nella Val d’Agri, ad iniziativa, tra gli altri, di Carmine Senise e di Giacinto Albini, all’Insurrezione del 18 agosto nella città di Potenza, dove giunsero colonne militari da vari centri della provincia, attivamente concorrendo alla sconfitta della guarnigione borbonica, alla proclamazione festosa dell’Unità d’Italia, in nome di Vittorio Emanuele (re d’Italia) e del generale Garibaldi (dittatore delle Due Sicilie), cui l’indomani avrebbe fatto seguito l’istituzione del Governo prodittatoriale, presieduto da Giacinto Albini e Nicola Mignogna, nel quale Pietro Lacava svolse funzioni di Segretario. Nel quarto capitolo sono stati ricostruiti ruoli e funzioni esercitati da Pietro Lacava nei primi anni postunitari, dall’esperienza come segretario nel Governo prodittatoriale lucano alla sua nomina, da parte di Giacinto Albini, a sottogovernatore/intendente del Distretto di Lagonegro, ai successivi incarichi all’Intendenza di Melfi, alla prefettura di Pavia (come consigliere di governo) cui seguirono le nomine a sottoprefetto di Palmi e di Rossano, in Calabria. Incarichi, questi, nel corso dei quali dovette fronteggiare il fenomeno del brigantaggio postunitario che, nell’agosto 1861, aveva portato all’assassinio di suo padre. Decisivo, in direzione del suo progressivo, diretto, impegno politico, la nomina a questore di Napoli, dopo i citati incarichi di sottoprefettura. Durante tale mandato, infatti, diede indiretto sostegno, in armi e uomini, all’impresa garibaldina di Mentana, come pubblicamente denunciato in parlamento da parte dell’on. Giuseppe Massari, con conseguenti sue dimissioni e l’approdo all’attività politica a tutto tondo, nel lavoro di Tesi configurata come avvio della lunga terza fase, saldamente connotata dal suo lungo ed articolato percorso da parlamentare e componente di vari governi. Data caratterizzante, lungo tale quarantennio ed oltre, è da considerare il 1889, l’anno della sua prima nomina a ministro del re, prima della quale, come si è ampiamente evidenziato nel quinto capitolo, egli svolse intensa attività parlamentare, a partire dal 1867, quale eletto nel collegio di Corleto Perticara, con collocazione nei banchi della Sinistra storica, attivamente impegnato in ambito giuridico ed amministrativo, anche quale eletto, dal 1870, nel consiglio provinciale della Basilicata, di cui fu anche presidente, con peculiare impegno nel campo delle infrastrutture. Con la svolta politica nazionale del 1876, che portò al governo la Sinistra storica, Pietro Lacava rassegnò le dimissioni dall’assise provinciale, in quanto il ministro dell’interno Giovanni Nicotera – in quella fase suo referente politico con il quale riuscì a governare gran parte della deputazione eletta nelle province meridionali – lo volle con sé come Segretario generale del ministero, così costituendo un duo politico in grado di incidere in maniera considerevole nelle dinamiche parlamentari e governative. Sempre nel ruolo di Segretario generale sarebbe stato poi chiamato dal ministro Raffaele Mezzanotte al ministero dei lavori pubblici, distinguendosi nelle discussioni inerenti le infrastrutture ferroviarie, a partire dalla discussione sulla ferrovia Eboli-Reggio. Dopo aver abbandonato la direttrice politica di Nicotera e quella di Depretis, si legò a Francesco Crispi, entrando a far parte del suo secondo governo come primo ministro del neoistituito ministero delle poste e dei telegrafi. L’approdo di Pietro Lacava al governo, ricostruito nel sesto capitolo, tra l’altro evidenzia come egli fosse stato tra i primi ad intuire il potenziale politico di Giovanni Giolitti, entrando, non casualmente, a far parte del suo primo governo come ministro dell’agricoltura, dell’industria e del commercio, però pienamente coinvolto nel primo grande scandalo politico e finanziario dello Stato unitario, quello della Banca Romana. Nel settimo capitolo è stata ricostruita l’attività politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava in piena Età giolittiana fino alla morte. La vicenda della Banca Romana comportò un allontanamento di Lacava dallo statista di Dronero, con permanenza nei due governi Pelloux, come ministro dei lavori pubblici, anche quando la Sinistra costituzionale di Giolitti e Zanardelli ritirò il proprio sostegno al governo del generale. Ciò nonostante, la legislazione speciale per il Mezzogiorno d’Italia lo avrebbe riportato sulle posizioni della sinistra costituzionale e di Giolitti, favorendone il prorompente ritorno sulla scena politica, divenendo uno dei maggiori esponenti della sua “corrente politica”, ottenendone dapprima la vicepresidenza della Camera dei deputati e, appena le circostanze lo resero possibile, la nomina a ministro delle finanze nel terzo governo presieduto da Giolitti. Decano di Montecitorio, per il suo accurato impegno nella concretizzazione del quarto governo Giolitti gli fu conferita dal re – verso il quale aveva sempre avuto rilevante attenzione – l’onorificenza di Ministro di Stato, tra l’altro apportando un rinnovato contributo di merito decisivo alla riforma della legge elettorale ed ai percorsi di approvazione parlamentare dei provvedimenti riguardanti la conquista, da parte del Regno d’Italia, dei territori della Tripolitania e della Cirenaica. Di significativo rilievo, al fine di una rigorosa ricostruzione dell’attività politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava nel corso di questi anni, il reperimento, tra le fonti inedite, di un suo singolare quaderno/diario di appunti. Costante, lungo il percorso di ricostruzione e di analisi seguito, è stata l’attenzione al rapporto tra il procedere politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava e i contesti più generali, a livello di cultura e di pratica politica sul campo, significativamente accompagnando la dimensione argomentativa e narrativa con accurati e rigorosi ancoraggi documentari, riconducibili ad una incisiva selezione tra la gran mole di documentazione, in larga parte inedita, reperita. Ne è complessivamente derivata una lineare ed organica ricostruzione del lungo profilo di vita politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava, nel più generale quadro dell’Italia pre e postunitaria, espressione significativa, nell’ambito dell’articolato contesto patriottico e delle rappresentanze politico-istituzionali, meridionali e nazionali, di specifiche collocazioni e ricollocazioni, dettate anche da obiettivi di conservazione e sviluppi di propri ruoli e funzioni di esercizio del potere, comunque di rilevante apporto a più generali percorsi storiografici di ricostruzione e di rilettura, senza schemi precostituiti ed ideologizzati, dell’Italia risorgimentale e postunitaria, a livello generale e locale.
Nell'Italia pre e postunitaria. Il ruolo politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava (1835-1912) / Lavella, Michele. - (2023 Dec 21).
Nell'Italia pre e postunitaria. Il ruolo politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava (1835-1912)
LAVELLA, MICHELE
2023-12-21
Abstract
The main objective of the research project and the related thesis work was to redefine, based on extensive documentation, largely unpublished, the political-institutional profile of Pietro Lacava (1835-1912), who was among the protagonists, at both local and national levels, of the crucial pre- and post-unification Italian political season. However, he can be seen as a "powerful second," considering that from the 1850s until the conquest of the North African territories by the Kingdom of Italy, Pietro Lacava generally held front-line roles and functions, but almost always subordinate to other personalities, from the Lucanian patriot Giacinto Albini to Depretis, Crispi, and Giolitti. These figures placed great trust in him in different contexts, which Lacava managed with undeniable political intelligence, generally adapting to the progressive political-institutional contingencies, resulting in careful preservation of his increasingly solid "positions" of power. Starting from his active participation in the crucial southern patriotic hub of 1860-61, with direct involvement in conspiratorial activities and in the functions of sub-governor in Lagonegro, Pietro Lacava was sub-prefect, commissioner, president of the Provincial Council of Basilicata, and was elected as a deputy for over forty years. During this period, despite serving in different governments, he held significant roles and was appointed minister five times, not to mention his role as vice president and dean of the Chamber of Deputies. His political life was very interesting, moving from direct participation in planning and political actions following the tragic failure of Carlo Pisacane's enterprise, gradually involving aspects and moments of "construction" of the unitary State, with peculiar placements and relocations within the complex configurations of parliamentary representations and consequent governmental structures up to a large part of the Giolittian era. For an accurate and rigorous reconstruction and critical analysis of such a political-institutional path, it was deemed appropriate to configure the implementation plan of the long research and analysis path within three broad phases: the first phase concerning his formation, in relation to the delineation of the general starting context within one of the most internal areas of Southern Italy; the second phase, which saw Pietro Lacava among the protagonists in the field of southern patriotism, in Naples and the provinces, starting from his role as secretary of the Committee of the Order of Naples to his appointments as secretary of the Lucanian pro-dictatorial government and then as sub-governor in Lagonegro, as sub-prefect in various provinces of Italy, and as quaestor in Naples; the third phase, that of political-institutional representation in parliament for over forty years, when he actively participated as a legislator and in important government roles in the institutional politics of liberal Italy until his death in 1912. In the absence of a unitary historical archive of Pietro Lacava, it was initially planned to start the research process with a careful survey of archival documentation at both national and local levels, which gradually proved to be largely fruitful. The aim was an accurate and rigorous reconstruction and reading/rereading, even critically, of the profile of culture and political-institutional practice of a long-standing politician like Pietro Lacava, in relation to his time. In the first chapter, the path and results of the survey of the overall documentation, largely unpublished, found and attributable, in its entirety, to the archive of Pietro Lacava, were outlined, despite the still complex dislocations in the main conservation sites, from the archive and the municipal library of Corleto Perticara, to the Institute for the History of the Italian Risorgimento and the papers of the Ida Lacava Opera of the Institute for cultural, educational, and moral religious formation of the people, now in Parma. This is done taking into due consideration the documentation present in the State Archive of Potenza, the State Archive of Naples, the Central State Archive, the Historical Archives of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic, as well as that in the Library of Modern and Contemporary History of Rome. In the second chapter, the educational background and the political-institutional and socio-economic context of the local ruling classes and groups were reconstructed, starting from the Napoleonic era and its subsequent developments. This was examined at the levels of culture and political practice within the broader framework of the complex power system, with particular attention to the progressive rise of the Lacava family, particularly in the shadow of local ecclesiastical institution. The Lacava family, which found its most successful local and national representative in Pietro, formed a robust political dynasty that continuously held significant political-institutional roles and functions from the late eighteenth century to the fascist regime. In the third chapter, the focus is on the role and functions exercised by the patriot Pietro Lacava during the complex process of the unification of Italy from the South. This period spans from Carlo Pisacane's expedition to Sapri to the Lucanian Insurrection of August 1860, a critical political-institutional phase. It encompasses the planned and organized insurrectional movements in Corleto and the Val d'Agri, initiated by figures such as Carmine Senise and Giacinto Albini, leading to the Insurrection of 18th August 1860 in the city of Potenza. Here, military columns arrived from various provincial centers, actively contributing to the defeat of the Bourbon garrison and the festive proclamation of the Unification of Italy in the name of Vittorio Emanuele, King of Italy and General Garibaldi, Dictator of the Two Sicilies. This was followed the next day by the establishment of the pro-dictatorial government, led by Giacinto Albini and Nicola Mignogna, with Pietro Lacava serving as Secretary. In the fourth chapter, the roles and functions exercised by Pietro Lacava in the first post-unification years were reconstructed, from his experience as secretary in the Lucanian pro-dictatorial government to his appointment, by Giacinto Albini, as undergovernor/intendant of the Lagonegro District, to the subsequent assignments at 'Intendency of Melfi, to the prefecture of Pavia (as government advisor) followed by appointments as sub-prefect of Palmi and Rossano, in Calabria. These were assignments during which he had to face the phenomenon of post-unification brigandage which, in August 1861, had led to the assassination of his father. The appointment as Quaestor of Naples, after the aforementioned sub-prefecture positions, was decisive in the direction of his progressive, direct political commitment. During this mandate, in fact, he gave indirect support, in arms and men, to Garibaldi's undertaking in Mentana, as publicly denounced in parliament by the Hon. Giuseppe Massari, resulting in his resignation and his arrival at all-round political activity, in Tesi's work configured as the start of the long third phase, firmly characterized by his long and complex path as a parliamentarian and member of various governments. Characterizing date, throughout this forty years and beyond, is 1889, the year of his first appointment as minister of the king, before which, as has been widely highlighted in the fifth chapter, he carried out intense parliamentary activity, starting from 1868 , as elected in the constituency of Corleto Perticara, with placement on the benches of the historical Left, actively involved in the legal and administrative field, also as elected, since 1870, in the provincial council of Basilicata, of which he was also president, with particular commitment in the field of infrastructure. With the national political turning point of 1876, which brought the historic Left to power, Pietro Lacava resigned from the provincial assembly. The Minister of the Interior, Giovanni Nicotera, who was his political contact at the time, wanted Lacava to join him as General Secretary of the ministry. Together, they formed a political duo that had a considerable impact on parliamentary and governmental dynamics. Still serving as General Secretary, Lacava was subsequently called upon by Minister Raffaele Mezzanotte to the Ministry of Public Works. There, he distinguished himself in discussions related to railway infrastructure, starting with the debate on the Eboli-Reggio railway. After distancing himself from the political directions of Nicotera and Depretis, he aligned with Francesco Crispi, becoming part of Crispi's second government as the first minister of the newly established Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs. Pietro Lacava's ascent to government, detailed in the sixth chapter, also highlights how he was among the first to recognize the political potential of Giovanni Giolitti. It was not by chance that Lacava became part of Giolitti's first government as Minister of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce. However, he was also fully involved in the first major political and financial scandal of the unified state, the Banca Romana scandal. In the seventh chapter, Pietro Lacava's political and institutional activities during the Giolittian era up until his death are reconstructed. The Roman Bank affair led to Lacava's estrangement from the statesman of Dronero, though he remained as Minister of Public Works in the two Pelloux governments, even when Giolitti and Zanardelli's constitutional left withdrew their support for General Pelloux's government. Nevertheless, the special legislation for Southern Italy would bring Lacava back to the positions of the constitutional left and Giolitti, marking his explosive return to the political scene. He became one of the main exponents of Giolitti's "political current," first obtaining the vice-presidency of the Chamber of Deputies and, as circumstances permitted, the appointment as Finance Minister in Giolitti's third government. As the senior member of Montecitorio, Lacava received the honor of Minister of State from the king for his diligent efforts in establishing Giolitti's fourth government. Among other notable achievements, he made significant contributions to the reform of the electoral law and the parliamentary approval processes of provisions concerning the conquest of the territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica by the Kingdom of Italy. Of significant importance, for the purpose of a rigorous reconstruction of Pietro Lacava's political-institutional activity over these years, is the discovery, among the unpublished sources, of one of his notebooks/diaries of notes. Throughout the process of reconstruction and analysis, there was consistent attention paid to the relationship between Pietro Lacava's political-institutional actions and the broader cultural and political contexts. This approach significantly enhanced the argumentative and narrative aspects with accurate and rigorous documentary support, attributable to a precise selection from the extensive, largely unpublished, documentation found. Overall, a coherent and comprehensive reconstruction of the extensive profile of Pietro Lacava's political-institutional life was achieved, set within the broader framework of pre- and post-unification Italy. This work stands as a significant expression within the complex patriotic and political-institutional representations, both southern and national. It details specific locations and movements, driven by preservation objectives and the development of roles and functions in the exercise of power. This reconstruction contributes significantly to the broader historiographical paths of re-examining and reinterpreting the Risorgimento and post-unification Italy, both generally and locally, free from pre-established and ideological frameworks.File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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M. Lavella - Nell_Italia pre e postunitaria. Il ruolo politico-istituzionale di Pietro Lacava (1835-1912).pdf
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